Friends of Patan Hospital (FOPH) was fortunate in that between July, 2004 and Febuary, 2006, a leading Nepali journalist wrote a column for our website giving an overall picture of what was happening in Nepal. Her reports are given below. She now is living abroad and therefore not able to do the column anymore. One can keep up with Nepal events on the Internet by going to www.nepalnews.com

AKU is a pseudonym for the journalist; for good reasons the name of the journalist cannot be given. As in the case of any columnist, the opinions expressed will be those of the writer and not of the organization. However, we believe that this writer reflects the feelings of many in Nepal.

AKU Report – February, 2006

King Gyanendra is cornered and he knows it. Thus he is going to picturesque Pokhara to spend some peaceful time with his queen consort.

The political parties are celebrating the dissolution by the Supreme Court of the Royal Commission for Corruption Control (RCCC) which the King had installed when he took over full power on Feb. 1, 2005. This Commission was intended to fight corruption but was later used as a punitive tool. When former Prime Minister Deuba, whom the King had removed and was put in prison for alleged corruption, and another minister, Prakash Singh, were not released till the Commission was dissolved, it was seen by the people as not fulfilling its purpose. This action of the Court is seen as a victory by the opposing seven political parties. The Maoists are venturing to court the international as well as the national media to publicize their views of the "Democratic Republic" system they want to see in Nepal and on the King whom they want to bring to trial and execute, or exile if backed by the people.

Prachanda, the elusive leader of the Maoists who is Nepal's "most wanted" and is listed as a terrorist by the U.S., has chosen to be demystified and has surfaced to court the media. He has been giving interviews to local and foreign media from his hiding place, coming out as a politician instead of a militant leader responsible for the deaths of 13,000 of his own countrymen in the 10 years since he took to the jungles instead of the streets to lead Nepal into a direction he thought appropriate.

Now, like a people's leader who has popular support, he is talking of the will of the Nepalese people. If they want the King, he says he is willing to accept the people's will. If not, he says the King has to go. There will be no solo talks with the King he says; if the King calls for talks, his group and the seven parties will have to do it together.

Prachanda has made it quite clear that for him the King represents a feudalistic power which has no place in the republic that he and his party envision. Even if the monarchy has been in power in Nepal for over 400 years, and religious Nepalese see him as a reincarnation of a Hindu god, Prachanda believes that the King must go. After taking over most of western rural Nepal he is confident that he has the mass of people mobilized on his side and that the rural poor, who make up the majority of the Nepalese, will make way for his political entrance to the mainstream. His confidence allows Prachanda to come out and put forth his views publicly. He is not coming out as a fanatical, hardcore communist; he talks of a system which will ensure peace in the country. The King too went to rural Nepal, talking to the people who gathered to greet him and asking them what they wanted most. It was the 'King's poll' before the elections. And yes, everybody cried for peace. But what he decided to do to bring peace to the country was to force Municipal elections, which according to him will pave the way for peace and democracy.

A colorful and dramatic Municipal Election on February 8, 2006, the first in Nepal in six long years, happened amidst high security under the watchful eyes of the National Election Commission. Despite security assurances by the government and life insurance for the candidates, the elections underwent some dramatic last minute withdrawals of candidates after the Maoists attacked, killed or threatened them. On the other hand, only 20 percent of the voters turned out because of fear of attacks by the Maoists on the seven political parties who had joined hands to make even this not happen, or simply because they did not believe in the candidates. Most of the candidates belonged to the category of those who had nothing much to lose and were taking a long shot as advised by the pro government and government parties.

The King, to show his determination to keep his word to his countrymen and the outside world, was bent on holding the elections. It was a matter of showing his belief in the democratic process and democracy at large and he did it even at the cost of much criticism and ridicule.

It was interesting and at times dangerous to be caught in the strong stances taken by the three major players, namely the King, the Maoists and the protesting seven major political parties. The Maoists and the parties had aligned to carry out joint protests, yet the Maoists undertook a bloody spree of killing while the political parties took to the streets burning tires and effigies of people in the government. This is the strategy the Maoists and the seven political parties have adopted for the past few months with the hope of cornering the King and weakening his government. The general public saw a display of bold Maoist attacks at Kathmandu, closed borders in Thankot, and protestors being tear-gassed and getting caught in stone-throwing crossfire between the security and the protestors. Maoists called for seven days of closure and few dared to defy it, even if it meant for the general public to stay locked indoors. Some, like a taxidriver who defied it, were killed. Now after the elections all is calm till the next storm hits. The Government of the King's cronies was quick to declare the election a success, while the protesting parties' leaders were quick to declare it a farce.

AKU Report – October, 2005

Suspicion, doubts, mistrust and speculations surround the politicians, the media, the Maoists and the King, overpowering the festive air of Dasain and Tihar, the popular Nepalese festivals that promote love and goodwill. Each faction says it promotes love and goodwill.

The Maoists began spreading their share of love and goodwill by declaring a ceasefire but not without warning that they won't step back if they are attacked. The King spread his goodwill by visiting the public with his queen consort by his side, smiling and chatting while accepting flowers and leaves amidst chants of 'Hail the King and Queen.' Each time his visit to the countryside ended with his instruction to the local government on how to do their job.

The political parties have spread their love and goodwill by curtailing their street demonstrations, allowing the public to walk on streets freely. There is now temporary relief from getting caught in the tear gas and stone-pelting crossfire between the security forces and political demonstrators. But at times like the government raid of FM radio stations for not abiding by the Media Ordinance, one of the four ordinances that King Gyanendra promulgated, then they take to the streets and people are trapped in traffic jams once again.

In the political scene, it is interesting to watch the seven leading political parties becoming defiant by declaring not to participate in the elections that the King has boldly called for in April. Meanwhile, Maoists are waiting in the sidelines watching the two forces go at each other waiting for one to wipe out the other, so that they can walk in, and knock out the finalist be it the King or the political parties, and take power.

The Nepalese people, left in the middle and receiving the major blows, have no choice but to wait and see which power-hungry team will take the reins and ruin their lives all over again. It is the Nepalese citizenry who are the victims and are the most vulnerable in this situation of instability in the country brought about by this constant power struggle among these three teams, all of whom proclaim to be their representatives.

Another group that is interesting to watch is the media. Since the Media Ordinance issue (which declares among other things that the King cannot be criticized even in his capacity as executive chief), and the night raid of the local FM stations, this is at the center of all the media hype. It has continued to gain the sympathy of the foreign powers, those leaders of 'Democracy' who continue to cry for their aborted press freedom. Muzzled or not, the media continue to criticize everything and everyone in the government and most of them are at their irresponsible best. It is the general reader who is left confused and frustrated when they have to read to several different versions and interpretations of an event. So now the only way of getting close to the truth is by referring to at least seven different newspapers. The outcome perhaps is the rise in the sale of newspapers.

Security within the capital still is not an issue. Outside the Kathmandu valley there are some scattered cases of extortion by the Maoists in the Annapurna region, but no killings have been reported so far. The death of a team of French and Sherpas in the Everest region in an avalanche is perhaps the saddest and something one can never get over, no matter how often it occurs.

This is a perhaps the best time for foreigners to visit this country, not for peace and tranquility, but to witness and feel the resilience of the Nepalese people, who though frustrated and disillusioned still hope for a brighter future and go on in life with smiles on their faces. And the tranquil hills and breathtaking splendor of the mountains are always there.

AKU Report – July, 2005

If the disagreements between the two factions of the Maoist leaders Prachanda and Dr. Baburam Bhattarai that made headlines two weeks ago are not staged and are in fact true, then perhaps one can hope the insurgency is weakening and can be even ended if the King plays his cards well and in time. If this is just a move to make way for Dr. Bhattarai to join in the mainstream of politics, then there is not much to hope for any change in the country. He will be just another opportunist trying to dip into the power pie of Nepalese politics.

Another player on the sidelines ready to take center stage is Marichman Singh Shrestha, the last Prime Minister of the Panchayat regime when it collapsed in 1990. He has re-emerged from his secluded life and is selling himself with something like "the country needs my active role at this juncture." Sound familiar?

The seven political parties on the other hand are rallying against the government. Their fears that the King may take absolute power are pretty obvious by the endless daily meetings they are holding to exert pressure on the King to reinstate the Parliament. They are attempting to come together to weaken the present government by criticizing the King and his hand-chosen cronies of the Panchayati days. Coming together is never easy for the political parties for if they believed in unity, Nepal would have seen better days and democracy would have already flourished here.

The journalists are another group trying to catch the attention of the international media by bringing out outrageous street demonstrations that dramatize the censorship of the media. When they are arrested it makes international news on CNN and BBC, which unfortunately hurts the weakened tourism of Nepal still more. The general public, besides getting a free demonstration of street shows of journalists taping their mouths and laying in the streets by tying themselves in chains, is reaching the point of disillusionment once again.

The King for his part now has withdrawn to his "wait-and-see" stance which could bring good or bad tidings if he again decides to make one of his dramatic announcements. His attempt to gain some sympathy after justifying his Feb. 1 takeover received lukewarm response in the Doha summit. On the domestic front he hasn't been able to exhibit anything strong and drastic besides the Royal Commission for Corruption Control. But when it dropped corruption charges against former Prime Minister Deuba and could not lay a finger on the most corrupt of all Premiers, Mr. Girija Prasad Koirala, the Commission itself fell victim to criticisms and lost its credibility. Now Deuba and the former minister who worked with him, Prakash Singh, is back in custody on charges of corruption in the colossal Melamchi Drinking Water Project. Depending on what action will be taken against those accused of misappropriating over $5 million, the Commission will either lose or gain some respect and credibility.

Corruption is already recognized as the major, if not the sole cause of the deterioration of Nepal. Unless the breed of old politicians with the mentality of running the country for personal benefit is cleaned out, and until and unless the new generation takes the lead, the hope for positive change is farfetched.

The present state of instability has created the perfect environment to breed the power-hungry. Its vulnerability attracts foreign aid packages and along come the scavengers. Good governance and transparency seem as much like foreign jargon as the word "democracy." As the age-old habit of ruling the country as a personal profit-making institution dies hard, the country is going nowhere.

AKU Report – May 11, 2005

Today, May 11, 2005, marked 100 days since the King took the reins in Nepal. The King's hand-picked officials were quick to call a press conference and point out their achievements.

It is true that within the Capital security has improved immensely. The streets of Kathmandu are getting bigger, prettier and cleaner. Public services are finally getting consumer-oriented. Civil servants are showing some signs of discipline by going to their offices on time, sitting on their designated seats and actually carrying out their functions, which they are paid to do. These days a passport can be made in an hour and not three days as in the past. Brokers who hung around government offices pimping for bureaucrats to get work done have gone underground, waiting to surface again once all this is over. They too, like most Nepalese, don't think positive changes last long in this country.

It is peaceful and quiet with no more traffic jams and rowdy demonstrations. If Kathmandu were the whole of Nepal, the old name Shangri-La might be warranted. Most Kathmandu residents applauded the King for doing a better job in beautifying the city than most Mayors.

Politicians and journalists are the hardest hit in this bargain. Politicians' movements are restricted and they are not allowed access to mobile phones. After scrutinizing the registration of mobile phones, one-fourth of mobile post-paid lines were released, but not for the politicians and journalists.

Political leaders have been in and out of custody on some charge or other, corruption being the popular one. Former Prime Ministers were kept in custody on corruption charges. Former Premier Deuba is back in custody.

Traffic police are visible checking vehicle documents and doing spot checks. There definitely are some signs of discipline around Kathmandu. There is no news of killings, but instead there is news of thieves and drug peddlers being arrested. The media during the censorship days until the state of emergency was lifted, covered development stories and highlighted people's participation in projects like building roads. Most heartening news is of the Maoists losing the fight and their morale against the Royal Nepalese Army. Stories of victorious attacks on Maoist camps are shown on the national TV displaying the arms and ammunition on the floor. During the emergency, the FM radio stations that broadcast the news and political views openly were banned and newspapers were facing censorship so most of the time the Nepalese got to bask in good news and more good news. The journalists were crying foul which is falling on deaf ears.

As they say, when it rains it pours: the Nepalese got to relish the rumor that there was a rift between the two heads of the Maoists. The Prachanda faction had put Baburam Bhattarai and his wife Hisila in custody. It almost felt that the end of the insurgency was near. But to the chagrin of the people, this rumor died as fast as it had erupted.

Demonstrations can be held by prior permission and in designated places with police escorts. After the state of emergency was lifted in the first week of May, politically inclined groups have been staging demonstrations at any given opportunity. Labor Day was celebrated on May 1 with demonstrators carrying innocent placards and slogans, which partially hid the more aggressively-toned slogans that requested reinstatement of parliament and revocation of the Royal Proclamation. More visible are those demonstrations that hail the King and his actions.

The King has ventured out on diplomatic tours, justifying his actions quite tactfully by emphasizing his stand against terrorism. Foreign powers like the U.S. have stepped back and have chosen to look and see instead of condemning it outright.

Now that half of the politicians taken into custody have been released, the political parties are talking about uniting and going back to their old gig of holding demonstrations and calling for reinstatement of the Parliament. The King is gearing towards holding elections within this year. Judging from his action, which is somewhat similar to those of his father, it looks as if the return of the old Panchayat party that his father founded may well be around the corner. The Maoists, meanwhile, are running their own show outside the Kathmandu Valley, not giving up and strongly keeping their hold. The Nepalese people, as usual, are looking on, hoping for the best but prepared for the worst.

AKU Report – Feb. 15, 2005

It was on a lazy late morning on a weekday on February 1, 2005 that Nepal’s King Gyanendra made public his announcement that enough was enough and that he was taking control of the government, the country and the people.

As shown in the past, choosing the timing of any drastic announcement is important for the King. Everybody was going about their daily business, student leaders were studying in their classrooms and political leaders were in their offices. The King announced that every faction of the government had had their shot at running the country and had failed miserably. Now his love for the country and the people and a sense of responsibility had compelled him to take the reins. The announcement did not hit home till the evening. Most had not even heard the news. This time around, the timing couldn't have been better.

The speech contained carefully chosen words and it embraced all interested factions. The King thanked the friendly nations, by which he may have meant China because soon after the take over, the U. S., India and Great Britain exhibited their displeasure at this action.

Throughout the speech he did not forget to reiterate his belief in democracy and rights of the people. Ironically as soon as he ended his speech Nepal Telecommunications shut off land and mobile communications. All rights besides the basic fundamental rights granted by the Constitution were curtailed and an indefinite state of emergency declared. All political leaders were put under house arrest, all borders were sealed and flights suspended for few hours.

The general reaction to the speech was of silent acceptance. As the King pointed out, the situation had degenerated and if his action would bring peace and prosperity, then so be it. Those who were quick to react physically were perhaps the Ministers’ wives and family members who were seen stuffing their things in cardboard boxes and fleeing from the Ministers’ Quarters.

The King has been criticized in the past for being a silent onlooker as events in the country deteriorated. This move, as bold as it may be, it was an expected one. Many saw this as the only option to bring change to the country. On the other hand, many suspect that reclaiming sole power for the Shah dynasty has always been King Gyanendra’s intention. He came to power after the royal massacre wiped out the entire ruling family of his popular brother King Birendra. He looked on silently, withstanding all media criticisms when people were being killed by the Maoists and the government forces, while the political parties were making a mockery of the democratic system fighting for power. He waited for this opportune moment to take the stage. Now he has given himself three years to make changes and bring peace before he reinstates the multi-party system.

The multi-party system was initiated in Nepal by a revolution at the cost of young blood some fourteen years ago. However, the years that followed saw the Maoist insurgency growing and getting bolder. Over 10,000 lost their lives. The corruption in the government was uncontrollable. Get-rich-quick schemes by bribery, corruption, and smuggling led to vulgar amassing of wealth. Palatial homes appeared over night and expensive cars ran on the streets, while the number of street children who slept cuddled with street dogs grew.

The King appointed a ten-member cabinet made up of some old and close associates. The chief secretary, Bimal Koirala, called a meeting and in 15 days they must present a report on how to make citizen services effective. So the King has begun his work to prove that he is not just a talker, and only time will tell if it is the love of power or the love of country that goaded him to do what he is doing.

Deecmber, 2004

Aku Report 5

It’s 6:30 AM and there is a 400 meter line of vehicles queued in front of the petrol pump in Bhadrakali, Kathmandu. People have been lining up from 3AM to get five liters of petrol. Petrol scarcity is the latest crisis affecting people’s lives in the capital!

This crisis hit Kathmandu during the first week of December when the Nepal Oil Corporation employees went on strike. They were demanding a rise in gasoline price so that they can save their company, which they fear is on the verge of bankruptcy.

On the political front, the cat and mouse game between the Maoists and Government forces is still going on in the field and behind the doors. The actual talks between the two are still farfetched. Maoists threw bombs in a few important places to let their presence be known. They threw explosives at the home of Sujata Kiorala, the daughter of former Premier Girija Koirala, who had earned a reputation for herself for being corrupt and power-hungry during her father’s tenure.

On 9th November the Employees Provident Fund Office, in the capital, which is still under construction, was bombed. The Internal Revenue Office in Bhaktapur was also targeted and two were injured. That grabbed the attention of the British Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Douglas Alexander who deplored the “terrorist act” in the “strongest terms.” The explosions broke some windows and there were a few minor injuries -- and it gave the Maoists the attention they wanted.

The government has kept up their media propaganda and elaborates on any catchy incident. When a group of women beat up some Maoists in their village in Dailekh in Western Nepal, it made the headlines. The government sent forces to show support to the group and the television was quick to show how the group had turn into a public demonstration. When Prashant, the Maoist commander of the capital was arrested, it was surprising that the media hype died down quickly.

On the Political front we have seen the break up of some old political parties like the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). The founder, former PM Surya Bahadur Thapa is all geared up to form another party. Another political party, the CPN-UML, which is in the ruling coalition in partnership with the present Deuba-led government, is also losing it’s popularity among its own party members.

Petrol scarcity, explosions and killings between the Maoists and the Government forces, are regular occurrences which surface in different dimensions. The real story is that Nepal has a weak and unstable government, politically divided politicians, inept, corrupt bureaucrats, and poorly informed citizens.

In a nutshell, the government is financially weak, the insurgents are destroying infrastructure, and development activities are struggling to keep their programs going. In this drama, the rich and those with influence are thriving while most others barely sustain themselves while trying to stay alive in the midst of the turmoil. Their plight is used as propaganda, but the government has done nothing to help them out of their situation.

October 15, 2004

Aku Report 4

The Nepalese are ready to put aside the unpleasantness of this year and celebrate Dashain, the most important festival of the Hindus. The spirit of good will and love for each other may be felt by the common public, but those with power in their hands, namely the Maoists, the government, and political parties are still attacking each other and not doing enough to bring peace in this county. The spirit of festivity is dampened by a spirit of fear and contempt for those in power in whom the citizens have lost their faith. In general, Nepalese are not fooled by the drama of bringing peace that all these parties are putting forth when in reality, peace is nowhere in sight.

The Government and the Maoists spent a year blaming each other for the failure of the ceasefire, using the media to the fullest to discredit each other. Finally, after the new Premier received an assurance from India and the US for assistance to beef up security he came out strongly declaring that his government will handle the Maoists with a strong grip and at the same time called the Maoists for talks. The Maoists’ leader, Prachanda, made his own move by sending a list of questions to the government, as his way of testing the waters with the Nepalese government, to see if the government was indeed serious about the talks.

The Government then was compelled to form the High Level Peace Committee (HLPC), but this body has just begun to focus on the proposal of unilateral cease-fire and ways to move ahead with the peace process. It is still just assessing the positive and negative impacts of declaring a one-sided ceasefire. From the looks of it, it doesn’t seem as if the talks will be held any anytime soon.

After the breakdown of talks between the Maoists and the Government a year ago, the mistrust that each camp harbored grew. Since then they have been attacking each other and declaring how each side was winning, to the disgust of the general public.

This time around the peace talk process went through a series of events to reach this stage. The Maoists, in their spree to hurt businesses owned by the elite class, set off a small bomb at a five-star hotel which forced its temporary closure, and some workplaces were closed. Perhaps what hurt Nepal most was the adverse and exaggerated media hype of the capital blockade called by the Maoists in August. The media hype was greater than the actual effects of the blockade, which was lifted after six days.

By blocking the main entry points into the valley, the Maoists were forcing the government to investigate the deaths of several of their activists including Bharat Dhungana who was reportedly the leader in the area that surrounded the valley. The Maoists wanted compensation for the families of the deceased and wanted detainees to be released or their whereabouts be made known. The only positive outcome for the Maoists was that the government agreed to report on the detainees in a month.

Instead of the elites the Maoists had hoped to target, it was the poor laborers who work on daily wages who were the hardest hit. The blockade affected transportation and goods coming into the valley, which led to a rise in commodity prices. The local farmers experienced one of those rare days when they could sell their vegetables at three times the normal price. Tourists meanwhile made last minute cancellations due to the scare that the foreign media spread across the world in an exaggerated manner, yet not a single foreign national was hurt in all these events. Judging from the Maoists’ movements, they have been careful not to target foreign nationals, though they have expressed strong sentiments against the U.S., blaming them for backing the government to crush the insurgents.

But in all this, in the long run everything that is happening is at the expense of the Nepalese. The media’s unbalanced negative coverage has not helped either. It is shocking that the media covered the six days blockade with so much enthusiasm and for weeks, while the gruesome deaths of twelve Nepalese men in Iraq received coverage of not more than two days! When news of the deaths was released, the public outcry at the failed diplomacy of the government, was released in the streets in forms of vandalism and unruliness. Some media houses were also attacked. The government quickly gave assurance that they would give money to the families of the dead and would try to bring home their bodies. While the family members received the money, the families had to conduct the funeral rites without the bodies. The government also formed a high-level delegation led by Information and Communication and Government spokesperson, Dr. Mohsin, who visited the Gulf States. They came back vowing to punish the manpower agencies which illegally send people to the Gulf and gave assurances that the Nepalese would receive employment and safety in the gulf countries. According to the committee, one million job openings are there for the Nepalese in the United Arab Emirates.

This good news somewhat soothes the pain the Nepalese are feeling especially during the festive season. Now as people gear toward celebration they haven’t forgotten to be cautious while traveling out side the valley. This is the time when most go to the villages to celebrate with their families. Now they are planning their trips according to the events around the country. This is another reason why the peace talks are so much in the minds of the people these days.

There haven’t been reports of Maoist- related incidents in the valley since the small explosive thrown into the compound of the US Education Foundation. The Maoists didn’t claim this but said they were looking into this and one cooking gas cylinder explosion. Oherwise the capital hasn’t experienced any incidents. However, daily reports of deaths and missing persons outside the valley still flow in the newspapers. The most recent news is that the government security forces launched an attack on a Maoist political camp in Baglung, in western Nepal where dozens of Maoists reportedly were killed. It is expected that the report from the Maoists counting their killings will follow soon, as has been the pattern of media reporting and use of media by the Maoists and the government!

July, 2004

Aku Report 3

In June 2004, the number of visitors entering Nepal was up five percent over the previous June according to the Nepal Tourism Board (NTB). The Home Ministry announced that the proposed budget for flood victims is 40 million Nepali rupees. Sher Bahadur Deuba, the new Prime Minister, personally made public a three-year work plan which will come into effect at the end of July and which will ensure the rights of children, ethnic minorities, senior citizens and women. Mr. Deuba, who one year ago was labeled “incapable” by the King and unceremoniously fired, was reappointed and is trying to gain the confidence of the people.

However, these are nothing but poor attempts to divert attention from the deteriorating political situation and the harsh treatment by Mother Nature. Everyday, some Nepali is dying somewhere, either by causes related to floods, monsoon-related illnesses or the Maoist insurgency. Two weeks after the monsoons hit Nepal, flash floods disrupted normal life in the Terai district in the south of the country, while the hilly regions experienced landslides. The hardest hit are the 15 districts badly affected by floods. In one district alone, Saptari, ten thousand have been displaced.

On the political scene: On July 16, a suspected Maoist woman died in a bomb blast in the Nepal Telecom tower in Patan district, five kilometers south of the capital. Fear spread like wildfire when the realization hit that this could be the first Maoist suicide bomb. Officials say it wasn’t so, though doubts remain. The bomb blast came a day after Mr. Deuba made public a 12-point human rights work plan and promised to take steps for poverty alleviation and respect for the human rights of those involved in the current conflict in the country. However, the Maoists said the blast was to protest the distribution of 20,000 mobile phones to the Army!

While the cremation grounds are picking up business, those with power to bring change are involved in matters far from reality. After basking in his personal victory, Deuba took 33 days to constitute a surprisingly large (31 members), multi-party Council of Ministers. This coalition cabinet did not come into being until the PM held several rounds of negotiations with the haggling political party members for lucrative portfolios. He tried to pacify them by including the Nepali Congress Party, Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), and the Nepal Sadbhawana Party (MSP), some members of his own party, and amidst criticism, two civil society personalities who are the royalists in his Cabinet. The significant portfolio of the Ministry of Information and Communication was given to royalist Dr. Mohammad Mohsin, which has raised the public’s concern over whether Deuba’s loyalty is to the people or the palace. These two appointments caught the public’s attention. It is a step that seems to show the Palace’s reluctance to let go of power.

Not surprisingly, the formation of such a huge cabinet has left some disgruntled members of various parties in the coalition who were not included in the cabinet. They have threatened to form their own parties. Meanwhile, the Maoists, typical of their diabolic nature, have shown interest in participating in talks mediated by the UN yet at the same time they have not decreased their violent activities.

The Maoists are continuing to face the Nepalese Police and Army, giving the media more stories of tears and fears: death, abduction, rape. They have spread their activities in the capital with a series of assassinations of shopkeepers, civil servants, teachers and police officers. In a month there have been eight or nine small-scale bomb blasts in the Kathmandu valley. It is rumored that four hundred sharpshooters trained in the Indian Naxalite camps have entered the capital with a list of names in their hands!

Their mission to threaten appointed government officials to resign or face death has ended with the formation of the new Deuba government. During this killing spree Pokhara’s mayor, who had kept postponing his resignation, was murdered outside his home on July 2. The mayor of Birgunj, was another victim of the Maoists’ wrath. The mayor of Butwal luckily managed to survive after being shot thrice during his morning walk.

Apparently the accelerated Maoist activities still have not convinced the Premier that an early ceasefire should be a priority since he has ruled out that possibility in public forums. According to Deuba, the government will not go for talks unless it is sure of success. Maoists on the other hand, have shown willingness for talks with UN mediation.

Until egos are set aside by the Maoists, the Government and the King, and until peace is given a priority in action and not in words alone, Nepal is still far from making that first successful step towards economic growth which essential for this nation.

April 7, 2004

Aku Report 2

THE MONARCH DID MOVE.

The monarch finally moved. After six months of silence the King invited the five agitating parties? leaders for consultation. He announced that elections would be held this year.

The King's call for consultation meetings with the political parties? leaders came when the second Prime Minister he nominated resigned on May 7, 2004 after less than a year. The PM?s resignation came after the five opposing parties took to the streets and demanded his resignation.

Nepal has seen a lot of activities over the past months. Busloads of workers from five political parties took to the streets in the capital waving their respective party flags, swearing to make the king bow to their 18 demands, one of which is to make the king recall his October 22, 2002 move that dissolved the elected parliament. The stalemate between the king, who wants to meet the party leaders mano a mano, and the political parties, who want a joint meeting, continues.

Meanwhile, the king met the former Prime Ministers for consultation, if one were to guess, on obvious topics like choosing the new Premier, and the two years overdue election to be held in November. Now that the most coveted position of Prime Minister lies vacant, the different parties are throwing names, marketing their own leaders. Meanwhile the general public is watching , not expecting much, yet seeking a glimmer of hope for a change of some kind.

Some predicted change after the holy chariot of the Rato Machindra, which is pulled from neighborhood to neighborhood by the Newars in Patan district, toppled. The locals interpret it as a bad omen for the country. When the ruling party in India lost its election, some said this heralds change in Nepal. The staunch pro-Hindu Indian political party had taken upon itself to reinstate the King of Nepal as the reincarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu in this, the only Hindu Kingdom of the world. Some see their loss, as a jolt to some factions in Nepalese politics.

The king toured regions affected by the Maoists, walking the tough terrains of remote Nepal, asking the impoverished villagers if they wanted ?hospitals or helipads?. Throngs of people were kept in open-air enclosures for hours, not allowed to move about by the security personnel till the Royal arrival and departure. The king pushed through the crowds and reached out to the people who handed flowers, which were wilted and torn into pieces while tussling in the crowd. Skeptics saw this as a public relations stunt that did little good for the monarch, who has had a difficult time stepping into the shoes of his popular brother, King Birendra. All it did was remind many of the bygone single party, the Panchayat days, when a smiling royal couple attended similar functions sitting on overly decorated podiums, while.